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Helpful grandmothers in rural Ethiopia: A study of the effect of kin on child survival and growth

Mhairi A. Gibson, Ruth Mace

1. Introduction

2. Study population

3. Methods

3.1. Data collection

3.2. Mortality analyses

3.3. Growth analyses

3.4. Time budget analyses

4. Results

4.1. Mortality

4.2. Growth

4.3. Time budgets

5. Discussion

Acknowledgment

References

Copyright

1. Introduction

An important determinant of child health and well-being is kin support. Children require investment from several adults, not only their parents, if they are to survive the dangerous period of early childhood and maintain healthy growth into adulthood (Aubel et al., 2004, Hampshire, 2002, Hawkes et al., 1997, Sear et al., 2000, Sear et al., 2002). Furthermore, mothers are only able to sustain the considerable energetic costs of simultaneously caring for several dependent children by eliciting support from other adults, usually relatives (Fricke & Teachman, 1993, Lahdenpera et al., 2004, Sear et al., 2003). While some level of kin support appears to be universal, not all kin are equally helpful or helped (Beise, 2004, Euler & Weitzel, 1996, Jamison et al., 2002).

Kin selection and parental investment theories posit that, in highly social species, such as humans, individuals can increase their inclusive fitness (genetic representation in the future generations) by extending support to their kin (Hamilton, 1964, Williams, 1957). Hamilton's Rule [rB>C] predicts that helping behaviors will only occur if the benefits of helping the recipient (B) outweigh the costs incurred to the donor (C), weighted by the coefficient of relatedness between the two (r). Age, sex, and level of relatedness have been identified as critical factors in determining kin support in both contemporary and historical human populations (Beise, 2004, Lahdenpera et al., 2004, Sear et al., 2000, Sear et al., 2002, Skinner, 2004, Tymicki, 2004, Voland & Beise, 2002).

Kin assistance with childcare has been used to explain the evolution of a number of unusual human life history characteristics, such as long periods of childhood dependency, female menopause, short birth spacing, as well as other aspects of social organization, for example, inheritance patterns, the relative status of the sexes. Additionally, the study of kin support may have direct relevance for international development policy on child health. Recent concerns about changing global patterns of family formation and composition include the impact of rapidly declining fertility worldwide and high adult mortality in HIV-endemic regions. Further research on the importance of kin support, such as that presented in this paper, can help us to understand the causes and consequences of these changing family structures for child health and well-being.

Using demographic and anthropometric data, we explore the causes and consequences of kin support for child survival and growth in a rural Ethiopian Oromo community. To date, most large-scale demographic studies have been unable to identify mechanisms of kin support. Having little or no access to behavioral data, researchers have only been able to speculate about how kin provide assistance to their relatives. In this study, we have access to additional observational data on time allocation, thus, we are able to identify the activities of kin within the household.

The study of kin assistance in childcare has been dominated by the role of grandmothers (Beise, 2004, Lahdenpera et al., 2004, Leonetti et al., 2005, Sear et al., 2000, Sear et al., 2002, Skinner, 2004, Tymicki, 2004, Voland & Beise, 2002), due to the possible role of kin support in explaining the evolution of menopause (Hawkes, 2003). Researchers have also begun to explore the relative importance of other categories of kin, including fathers (Flinn et al., 1996, Marlowe, 2001), siblings, and other extended family (Bove et al., 2002, Kramer, 2002, Leonetti et al., 2004, Marlowe, 1999, Tymicki, 2004). In this study, we are able to separate the effects of grandparental investment from that of other relatives by examining the impact of postmarital residence patterns.

Postmarital residence is one feature of human social organization that has an important role in determining childcare behaviors. Whether the newly married couple resides with the husband's (patrilocal) or wife's kin (matrilocal) reflects a sex-biased dispersal designed to avoid the harmful effects of inbreeding (Marlowe, 2004) and can result in differing access to kin. The effect of residence patterns on child well-being has been investigated across populations (Kiros & Kertzer, 2000, Leonetti et al., 2005); however, in this study, we were able to undertake a controlled study within one community. Among the Arsi Oromo pastoralists of Southern Ethiopia, both types of postmarital residence patterns are commonly practiced, resulting in individual variation in access to maternal and paternal relatives. The majority of women are obliged to move away to their husband's village, which gives their children closer access to patrilineal kin, thus, we call this patrilocal residence. Some women marry within their natal village, which means their children live close to matrilineal kin; we have called these cases matrilocal residence. The variation in locality of the newly married couple presents a useful framework for researching the effect of proximity on patterns of kin support.

2. Study population

The Oromo agropastoralist communities situated in Arsi, Southern Ethiopia, suffer from acute and regular water shortages and chronic food insecurity in the low-lying areas. Across this region, both the new land available for cultivation and herding, and economic opportunities, are limited. This has led to the subdivision of increasingly smaller landholdings and many new households being offered resettlement outside the region. Despite efforts to improve local services (including the construction of a water pipeline, health clinics, and schools), infant mortality rates remain high and malnutrition is common (Gibson, 2002).

Oromo marriages are arranged between families, with marriage payments (cattle) being transferred from the groom's to the bride's family in bridewealth. Household wealth, for example, land and cattle, is inherited through the male line (patrilineal descent), and for the majority of newlyweds, postmarital residence is in the groom's village. Traditionally, important alliances were forged, through marriages, between villages with differential access to resources such as water and grazing land (Terefe, 2000). However, the poorest of families, unable to afford sizeable bridewealth payments, can be forced to “exchange” daughters with other poor households within the village. Exchange marriages oblige married women to remain within their natal village (matrilocal residence). These women potentially have access to two sets of kin, their own kin (maternal kin) and that of their husband (paternal kin); while those who move to their husband's village (patrilocal residence) only have easy access to their paternal kin. Following socioeconomic changes occurring in the region, the prevalence of exchange marriages and matrilocal residence has been increasing. In 2003, a third of all married women had married local men and remained within their natal village (i.e., matrilocal).

3. Methods

3.1. Data collection

Since 1999, demographic and anthropological data have been collected from four villages in the lowland areas. Demographic census surveys were undertaken in 1999 and 2003, during which birth histories were collected from all reproductive aged women (15–50 years) using calendars that recorded the monthly timing of births and deaths over the preceding 6 years. In 2003, a sample of 700 children (<16 years) was included in an anthropometric survey across the four villages. Measures of height and weight were performed based on the guidelines set out by Lohman, Roche, and Martorell (1988). The median age of children measured during the survey was 5 years and 7 months. The sample included an equal number of both sexes (50.4% females and 49.6% males).

Additionally, a time allocation study was undertaken for a subsample of 58 households across the villages. The weekly activity budgets of 58 women and 200 children aged 0–15 years were obtained using spot observation techniques (Borgerhoff Mulder & Caro, 1985, Hames, 1992). This was considered to be the least intrusive method of collecting time budget data, which would generate the largest sample sizes. Each household was visited five times a day between sunrise and sunset (7 a.m. and 6:30 p.m.) for 1 to 2 weeks, and spot observations for the presence and activity of each individual within the household were recorded. If the individual was not present in the compound, then activities outside the household were recorded, according to information provided by neighbors or other household members present.

3.2. Mortality analyses

The demographic data were analyzed using event history analysis, a powerful tool for dealing with censoring biases and isolating the precise effects of time-varying events, for example, the introduction of village level tap stands (Allison, 1984, Gibson & Mace, 2002a, Gibson & Mace, 2002b). Multivariate logistic regression was used to control for sex, season, and year of birth; mother's age, parity, education, and household socioeconomic status (cattle herd size) when assessing the effect of kin on the probabilities of child death over time. The dependent variable was the monthly probability of death, which was modeled up to the third year of life, because the greatest risk of child death for this population occurs during the first few years of life (Gibson, 2002). To control for any hierarchical structures in the data relating to the household (genetic and/or environmental effects within family), only the last two births per woman were included within the mortality analyses. A total of 1652 women contributed 2746 births to the final analyses. SAS software Version 8.2 was used to perform the statistical analyses.

Postmarital residence of the household at the survey date was recorded as the dichotomous covariate “locality.” The reference category was “patrilocal residence.” The survival status of each category of grandparent at the survey date was entered into the model as a dichotomous variable. Additionally, analyses were performed to identify the effect of constellation or composition of grandparental support, which some researchers have indicated may be an important predictor of child survival (Voland & Beise, 2002). In this case, three dummy variables were entered into the model (both grandparents alive, only one grandparent alive, and both grandparents dead). The maximum amount of time that had elapsed between any reproductive event included in the analyses and the survey date was 5 years.

3.3. Growth analyses

In the analyses of child nutritional status, multivariate general linear models (GLM) were used to assess the partial effects of child's age, square of child's age, sex, maternal age, parity, family size, and wealth (household cattle herd size), as well as kin effects on child height and weight for height. A household identifier was included in the analyses to control for hierarchical structures of the data relating to family characteristics. A total of 652 children (<15 years) was included in the final analyses. SPSS Version 12.0 was used to perform the statistical analyses. Z score values (standard deviations), reflecting the width of the distribution around the mean of the NCHS/WHO international reference population (WHO, 1983), were calculated using the Epi-Info 3.2.2 software. By convention, children −2Z scores below the median of the reference group, based on U.S. growth data collated in 1978, are considered to be malnourished (WHO, 1983).

3.4. Time budget analyses

The observational data were analyzed using logistic regression models to identify the activities undertaken by non-nuclear relatives within the household. For each spot observation, the likelihood of a behavior taking place was estimated as a function of the various covariates. The analysis was carried out separately for each category of kin. These relatives included grandparents and both husband's and his wife's siblings and their families, but excluded the nuclear family such as husband, children, and cowives. The observed behaviors were grouped into six categories of activity: agriculture (working in fields, winnowing, or threshing), light domestic (light workload tasks within the compound, e.g., food preparation, cooking, and cleaning), heavy domestic (heavy workload tasks, e.g., grinding maize, collecting firewood, or water), social activities (preparing/drinking coffee, talking with friends/neighbors), resting (lying down, listening to the radio), eating, and child contact (any child contact, e.g., holding, breast feeding, and washing a child). A household identifier was included in the analyses to control for hierarchical structures of the data relating to household characteristics because not all households contributed the same number of observations. The samples of individuals observed in 58 households were 58 mothers, 22 grandmothers, and 75 other kin; 44 were patrilocal households and 14 were matrilocal households. SPSS Version 12.0 was used to perform all the statistical analyses.

4. Results

4.1. Mortality

Overall, 14.6% of the children in the community died before the age of five, including 13.7% before the age of three; this is comparable with regional rates (in the 2000 national census, 19.4% of children in Oromiya region died before the age of five; Central Statistics Authority & Macro, 2001). In our sample, the first month of life represented the most risky period of early childhood; 11.5% of all new births died during this neonatal period.

The results of the multivariate discrete-time event-history model, which was used to analyze the predictors of early child death, are presented in Table 1. The results are presented in the form of exponentiated coefficients for the log odds, known as odds ratios (OR). OR represent the relative risk of other groups in relation to the baseline group, or reference category (which is indicated with an OR of 1). An OR value greater (or lesser) than unity indicates that the relative odds of dying is greater (or lesser) compared with that of the reference group, taking account of the other factors included in the model.

Table 1.

Relative risk (OR) and 95% confidence intervals (CI) of child death under 3 years of age for both and each sex (a) by locality and grandparent status and (b) by combination of grandparents alive

Male death Female death Any child death
n OR CI n OR CI n OR CI
(a)
Locality
Matrilocal 331 0.733 0.48–1.11 349 0.492⁎⁎ 0.30–0.81 650 0.617⁎⁎ 0.45–0.85
Patrilocal 1144 1.000 1088 1.000 2234 1.000
Maternal grandmother
Alive 1077 0.714 0.51–0.99 1065 0.940 0.64–1.37 2143 0.802 0.62–1.03
Dead 397 1.000 370 1.000 768 1.000
Maternal grandfather
Alive 858 0.889 0.65–1.22 833 0.763 0.54–1.08 1691 0.847 0.67–1.07
Dead 615 1.000 602 1.000 1219 1.000
Paternal grandmother
Alive 563 1.096 0.78–1.54 522 0.674 0.45–1.00 1086 0.880 0.68–1.15
Dead 624 1.000 622 1.000 1247 1.000
Paternal grandfather
Alive 430 0.841 0.57–1.23 423 1.037 0.69–1.57 854 0.923 0.70–1.22
Dead 643 1.000 621 1.000 1265 1.000
(b)
Both grandmothers alive 415 0.801 0.51–1.26 392 0.679 0.68–1.16 808 0.748 0.52–1.05
One grandmother alive 516 0.638 0.42–0.96 529 0.952 0.61–1.48 1045 0.777 0.58–1.05
Both grandmothers dead 177 1.00 169 1.00 397 1.00
Both grandfathers alive 293 0.922 0.56–1.52 280 0.944 0.57–1.57 573 0.969 0.69–1.36
One grandfather alive 412 0.953 0.60–1.37 431 0.630 0.4–1.00 846 0.787 0.59–1.06
Both grandfathers dead 294 1.00 286 1.00 581 1.00

Other variables controlled are sex, season and year of birth, mother's age at birth, parity, mother's education, cattle herd size, and household identifier. [Bold type and asterisks indicate where the child's relative risk of mortality was significantly different from the reference category (OR=1.00)].

p<.05.

⁎⁎

p<.01.

Table 1 indicates that the proximity of kin, and specifically maternal kin, contributed to improved rates of child survival. Children born into matrilocal households had significantly lower risk of dying in early childhood than do those born into patrilocal households (OR=0.617, CI=0.5–0.8, p=.002). While both sexes benefited from proximity to maternal kin, when analyses were performed independently on the sexes, the relative advantage of matrilocal residence pattern was statistically significant only among females (OR=0.492, CI=0.3–0.8 p=.008).

In general, grandparents and especially maternal grandmothers, exerted a positive influence on child survival. Those children whose maternal grandmother's were alive had a lower probability of dying in early childhood (OR=0.802, CI=0.6–1.0, p=.09). Male grandchildren were more likely to survive when the maternal grandmother was alive (OR=0.714, CI=0.5–0.9, p=.06); however, the reverse was true for paternal grandmothers. An OR greater than unity, although not statistically significant, is notable, because it suggests that paternal grandmothers may have elevated a male child's risk of death. Other studies have attributed similar findings to the high cost of having many male offspring under certain socioecological conditions, such as brideprice paying societies and those with primogeniture (Jamison et al., 2002, Mace, 1996).

While the individual effect of either grandmother falls just short of statistical significance, the second model described in Table 1 shows that children that had lost both grandmothers had a significantly higher risk of dying before the age of three, compared with those with either one or two grandmothers alive. In both models, grandfather status did not appear to influence child survival. The results support previous findings that grandfathers' survival have a lesser role in determining child well-being (Sear et al., 2000, Sear et al., 2002).

4.2. Growth

Overall, 49.6% of children in the villages were seriously stunted for their age [height for age (HAZ) Z score <−2.00; i.e., more than two standard deviations below the median of the WHO international reference population], and 10.3% were seriously undernourished for their height [or wasted; weight for height (WHZ) Z score <−2.00]. These figures are comparable with levels of childhood malnutrition recorded in the 2000 Demographic and Health Survey for the entire Oromiya region (47.2% stunting and 10.4% wasting; Central Statistics Authority & Macro, 2001).

The results of the multivariate GLM, used to analyze the determinants of child nutritional status, are presented in Table 2. The results are presented as estimated marginal mean values of height (cm) and weight for height (kg) according to postmarital residence and grandparent survival, controlling for age, family size, birth order, and wealth.

Table 2.

Estimated marginal means of (a) height in centimeters and (b) weight for height in kilograms of children (±S.E.) for both and each sex by locality and grandparent status

(a) Height Males Females All children
n ±S.E. (cm) n ±S.E. (cm) n ±S.E. (cm)
Locality
Matrilocal 99 101.31±0.70 108 99.55±0.57⁎⁎ 207 99.73±0.62⁎⁎
Patrilocal 231 102.57±0.46 232 102.18±0.39 463 101.52±0.43
Maternal grandmother
Alive 204 102.79±0.80 208 101.75±0.58 412 101.24±0.48
Dead 120 101.29±1.00 121 100.84±0.83 241 99.86±0.62
Maternal grandfather
Alive 150 102.42±0.89 143 101.06±0.77 293 101.57±0.5
Dead 174 101.76±0.87 186 101.57±0.67 360 101.68±0.55
Paternal grandmother
Alive 133 102.39±0.78⁎⁎ 138 101.51±0.71 271 101.82±0.53
Dead 191 101.74±0.96 191 101.08±0.68 382 101.42±0.58
Paternal grandfather
Alive 85 102.67±1.16 98 101.12±0.86 183 101.79±0.71
Dead 239 101.58±0.56 231 101.47±0.57 470 101.48±0.42
(b) Weight for height Males Females All children
n ±S.E. (kg) n ±S.E. (kg) n ±S.E. (kg)
Locality
Matrilocal 99 16.68±0.20 108 16.42±0.20 207 16.54±0.14
Patrilocal 231 17.01±0.13 232 16.58±0.13 463 16.80±0.09
Maternal grandmother
Alive 204 17.24±0.23 208 16.77±0.19 412 16.95±0.15
Dead 120 16.63±0.29 121 16.49±0.28 241 16.59±0.20
Maternal grandfather
Alive 150 17.01±0.25 143 16.89±0.26 293 16.90±0.18
Dead 174 16.90±0.25 186 16.37±0.23 360 16.66±0.17
Paternal grandmother
Alive 133 16.89±0.22 138 16.95±0.24 271 16.90±0.17
Dead 191 17.03±0.27 191 16.30±0.23 382 16.65±0.18
Paternal grandfather
Alive 85 17.31±0.33 98 16.53±0.29 183 16.88±0.22
Dead 239 16.65±0.17 231 16.73±0.19 470 16.69±0.13

Other variables controlled are child's age, age squared, sex, mother's age at birth, parity, mother's education, cattle herd size, family size, and household identifier. Age adjusted for mean age: 5 years and 10 months. (Bold type and asterisks indicate where child's nutritional status was significantly different from the reference category, patrilocal or dead).

p<.05.

⁎⁎

p<.01.

Table 2 indicates that children living in matrilocal households, thus with access to matrilineal and patrilineal relatives, were statistically more likely to be shorter than children born into patrilocal households (β=−6.08±2.49, t=−2.42, p=.01). On average, children were 2 cm shorter in matrilocal households. This was especially true among girls (β=−6.138±2.28, t=−2.67, p=.008). Although not statistically significant, in a similar analysis of weight for height, the direction of the effect indicated that children in matrilocal households had lower weight for height.

The general impact of grandparents was positive for both child height and weight; however, grandfathers were less important than grandmothers were. Maternal grandmothers were a significant positive predictor of child height (β=3.323±1.76, t=−1.98, p=.048), particularly among girls (β=3.361±1.543, t=−2.178, p=.03), and also had a positive (although nonsignificant) effect on their weight. Paternal grandmothers were associated with improved height only among male children (β=11.668±2.82, t=−4.131, p<.001) but had a negative (although nonsignificant effect) on their weight.

4.3. Time budgets

Fig. 1 illustrates the categories of extended family relatives who were present in the household during the time allocation survey. Overall, relatives were equally likely to be observed in patrilocal and matrilocal households (17.2% vs. 15.5% of spot observations), and grandmothers was the category of relative most likely to be present in the household (13.3% of spot observations). However chi-squared analyses revealed an association between postmarital residence and category of kin in the household (Pearson χ2=158.15, df=3, p<.01). Patrilineal kin were found to be present in the patrilocal households in 12.2% of observations, but in only 4.5% of observations in matrilocal households. Even paternal grandmothers almost never visited their son and daughter-in-law's household if that household was matrilocal (see Fig. 1). The absence of paternal kin in matrilocal households seems surprising, given the fact that matrilocal postmarital residence among the Arsi Oromo ensures close access to both sets of kin.


View full-size image.

Fig. 1. Presence during spot sampling of grandmothers and other kin by lineage and postmarital residence in 58 households (% of spot observations, n=3033).


Matrilineal kin, particularly maternal grandmothers, were more likely to be present in matrilocal households (10.8% of spot observations); however, they also visited patrilocal households (7.2%). Thus, grandmothers were more likely to be spotted in their daughter's household rather than in their son's household, even if they had to travel to another village to visit their daughter (see Fig. 1).

Table 3 describes the activities undertaken by mothers and visiting grandmothers and other relatives present in 58 households. It includes the parameter estimated values from the logistic regression time budget analyses, which identify the statistical likelihood that one set of kin was more likely to take part in each activity, taking account of household level variation in the number of spot observations. A positive (or negative) coefficient represents an increased (or decreased) relative risk of the maternal/matrilocal kin being observed performing an activity compared with the paternal/patrilocal reference group. Percentages refer to the percentages of observations that a category of relative allocated to a particular category.

Table 3.

Time allocation for family members observed in the household (% of spot observations) and β parameter estimates (±S.E.) from logistic regression models identifying the likelihood of undertaking certain household activities

Activity Mother Grandmother Other kin
Matrilocal Patrilocal Maternal Paternal Maternal Paternal
Agriculture (%) 7.0 6.6 3.3 17.5 10.2 22.4
β±S.E. 0.07 (0.17) −1.89(0.78) 0.14 (0.54)
Light domestic (%) 27.9 29.1 29.5 20 8.2 15.8
β±S.E. −0.08 (0.09) 0.51 (0.40) 0.74 (0.56)
Heavy domestic (%) 16.6 14.6 14.8 2.5 4.1 10.4
β±S.E. 0.16 (0.11) 1.91(0.82) 1.12 (0.76)
Social activity (%) 12.8 12.5 16.4 17.5 22.4 14.5
β±S.E. 0.01 (0.13) −0.07 (0.46) −0.33 (0.40)
Resting (%) 5.8 8.4 23 23.8 38.8 21.6
β±S.E. −0.39(0.1) 0.19 (0.44) −0.55 (0.34)
Eating (%) 2.2 2.2 4.9 3.8 14.3 6.2
β±S.E. −0.08 (0.29) 0.27 (0.84) −0.69 (0.50)
Child contact (%) 22.4 19.7 3.3 8.8 2.0 2.1
β±S.E. 0.23(0.1) −1.07 (0.82) 0.04 (1.14)
Observations (n) 789 2244 61 80 49 241
Households (n) 14 44 4 18 14 34

Other variables controlled are household identifier. (Bold type and asterisks indicate where matrilocal/maternal relative activity was significantly different from the reference category, patrilocal/paternal activity.

p<.05.

Over 50% of a mother's time was spent in work activities (heavy domestic tasks, such as collecting fire wood and water; light domestic tasks; and agricultural activities); 20% in childcare-related activities (e.g., breast feeding, washing children, and taking a child to the clinic); 12% in social activities (e.g., drinking coffee with visitors); and 8% resting. There were no large differences between patrilocal and matrilocal households in how mothers divided their time between work, social activities, or resting. However, mothers living in matrilocal households were statistically more likely to spend time in childcare-related activities (β=0.229±0.102, OR=1.205, p=.025) and less time resting (β=−0.392±0.171, OR=0.52, p=.02) than did mothers in patrilocal households.

When grandmothers and other kin visited, they took part in a wide variety of activities; the majority of their time in the household was spent in domestic tasks, social activities, and resting. However, clear differences did exist between the activities undertaken by grandmothers visiting their daughters and their daughters-in-law. Maternal grandmothers were more likely to be employed in heavy domestic tasks, for example, collecting fuel wood and grinding maize (14.7% of observations) than were paternal grandmothers (2.5%; β=1.91±0.82, OR=6.75, p=.019). Paternal grandmothers were significantly more likely to spend their visiting time in agriculture-related tasks, for example, threshing (17.5%), than were maternal grandmothers (3.3%; β=−1.89±0.78, OR=0.151, p=.016). Other paternal relatives also appeared to take part in productive, work-related activities (48.6% of observations), particularly agriculture (22.4%); however, this does not necessarily imply altruistic helping behavior. Any agricultural work may have direct payoffs for paternal kin, since they can claim a percentage of their paternal relative's harvest or may have been farming fields together. Other maternal relatives were significantly more likely to be observed resting, socializing, or eating during their visits (75.5% of observations; β=1.03±0.37, OR=1.643, p=.005), possibly providing social and psychological support for female relatives (Euler, Hoier, & Rohde, 2001).

5. Discussion

The results presented here provide evidence that, even in a patrilineal, predominantly patrilocal society, maternal relatives, particularly maternal grandmothers, are an important determinant of child well-being. This contradicts the notion that patrilineality necessarily leads to preferred investment in paternal relatives (Pashos, 2000).

Oromo grandmothers appeared to have a positive effect on the survival of all their grandchildren; however, they had a greater influence on the nutritional status of their daughter's than their son's children, particularly for granddaughters, irrespective of residential status. Grandmothers continue to provide support to their daughters' families, even when they do not live in the same village. Grandmothers traveled to other villages to visit their married daughters in preference to visiting their sons' families who were living in the same village. This lends support to the argument that relatives should provide more help to their female relatives because women will need more assistance with childcare (Euler & Weitzel, 1996) and there are greater risks of paternity uncertainty among male kin (Euler et al., 2001, Pashos, 2000, Voland & Beise, 2004).

Grandmothers were observed to spend their time helping their daughters in their most arduous domestic tasks, rather than in direct grandchild care. This finding contrasts with several other studies that have reported improved child health and survival mediated by direct maternal grandparental childcare after weaning. Arsi Oromo grandmothers, despite not being frequently observed within the household, played an important role throughout their grandchildren's early life. This included the first month of life (neonatal period), in which risk of death was highest, usually associated with endogenous causes, reflecting maternal condition during pregnancy (Shrimpton, 2003, Steer, 2005). By reducing their workloads, grandmothers may have permitted mothers to spend more time in childcare-related activities and improved maternal condition during pregnancy and after birth, resulting in improved levels of child well-being. Other maternal relatives paying social calls may have provided additional social and psychological support (Euler et al., 2001).

The suggestion that paternal grandmothers may actually have been detrimental for male child survival poses an interesting puzzle and, particularly, within a patrilineal society, in which inheritance patterns are expected to favor male descendants. However, a similar suggestion of a negative effect of paternal grandmothers has been reported in the Gambia (Sear et al., 2000), 18th century Germany (Voland & Beise 2002), and in a 17th century Japanese population (Jamison et al., 2002). Some authors suggest that, in Japan, infanticide of later born sons was used to ensure gender balance once the essential male heir was born (Skinner, 2004). However, this does not explain why paternal relatives, specifically, would be detrimental for males. The marriage system and transfer of marriage payments could explain why male relatives may be costly for the whole paternal family among the Arsi Oromo. In this bridewealth society, grouped resources from many relatives are needed to cover the costs of payments to the bride's family upon each son's marriage. Paternal family members, who bear the brunt of these costs, may subsequently be less interested in a large number of surviving male relatives (Mace, 1996).

Leonetti et al. (2005) find that matrilocal residence in N.E. India was associated with better childhood nutrition and survival. Here, we found it associated with improved child survival but lower levels of child nutrition. Higher levels of child survivorship are striking, given that matrilocal postmarital residence was practiced only among the poorest households in the community. In this food-stressed community, higher survival rates and increased family sizes may have further increased the competition for available resources between siblings. Alternatively, higher survival rates for smaller, low-birth-weight babies could also explain lower levels of nutritional status recorded in matrilocal households. It is interesting to note that access to maternal relatives had a rather similar effect on child survival and growth as did the introduction of new water tap stands in the villages, probably because both are associated with a reduction in women's workloads; the new taps also resulted in improved rates of child survival but a decrease in average child height and weight (Gibson & Mace, submitted for publication).

In summary, the evidence presented here indicates that, in a natural fertility population with high workloads and limited food availability, children's well-being is strongly influenced by the assistance provided to mothers by grandmothers and other maternal kin.

Acknowledgments

We should like to acknowledge with grateful thanks the generous participation of the people of Hitosa and Dodota districts, Arsi zone, Ethiopia, with additional thanks to Eshetu Gurmu and the Demographic Training and Research Centre, Addis Ababa University, and Regional Government of Oromiya for permission and assistance to undertake this research. The dedicated work of many field assistants, including Hanna Abate, Burka Tessema, and Mekdes Alemu has contributed greatly to this study. Comments by Clare Holden and Rebecca Sear on an earlier version of this paper led to important improvements. Financial support was from The Wellcome Trust (Project Grant GR068461MA). We are grateful to all of them.

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Department of Anthropology, University College London, Gower Street, WC1E 6BT London, UK

Corresponding author. Tel.: +44 20 7679 7842; fax: +44 20 7679 7728.

PII: S1090-5138(05)00020-6

doi:10.1016/j.evolhumbehav.2005.03.004

 



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